Mr. Nawaz Sharif’s latest move scores him some points but does not make him a hero. It is also a reminder for Pakistanis that they need to generate new leadership for the future instead of recycling old faces from the past.

The only visible gain for the former premier is that he did try to come back. The timing does betray political expediency and dents his claim to heroism. He had no choice. He moved the Supreme Court in order to embarrass President Gen. Pervez Musharraf. But the court’s ruling ended up posing a bigger challenge to Mr. Sharif: Come back or lose credibility among supporters. He had no choice but to trample on his commitments to his powerful overseas friends.

The role of a guarantor that the Saudis have played is steeped in Arab Bedouin tradition.

The Saudis not only take such commitments very seriously, but they do it discreetly. In recent years, Riyadh has played host to several friends. But Pakistan’s Mr. Sharif will always be remembered as the one who forced them to break out of their customary calmness. The Saudis did it reluctantly, but only in deference to a more valuable friend and ally, Pakistan.

The embattled Mr. Musharraf has also scored some much needed points. He has for the time being restored some respect and authority to his office. His eight-year position on Mr. Sharif’s exile has been vindicated. For Pakistani voters, it is clear now who has been lying about it all this time, although such moral high ground is of little value in Pakistan’s dirty politics.

The calm, swift, and largely peaceful way in which the Musharraf administration dealt with Mr. Sharif and his supporters deflates the media-inspired theory built up since 9 March that the Pakistani strongman was ‘losing his grip on power.’ How widespread this perception was can be gauged from international news headlines on 9 September that exaggerated the impact of Mr. Sharif’s return.

For the time being, President Musharraf is firmly in charge in Pakistan. And for a man who has received several dents to his image in the past six months, his team will do good to play up his recent gains in stature, emphasizing how Mr. Sharif misguided his supporters on how he used his foreign connections to circumvent facing Pakistani courts, and then how he lied about it for eight years while the government maintained a graceful restraint.

But this is as much breathing space as Mr. Musharraf can expect to get in the interim. He still faces a bumpy road through his reelection process to a new, five-year term. And his options continue to include harsh measures as a last resort.

Under his watch, Pakistan did gain economically and strategically over the past five years. Much of the underlying policies need to be continued, and this must have priority over any other consideration. After all, what good are elections or democracy in an economically weak country? Mr. Musharraf has also done a commendable job expanding freedoms and basic democratic rights in the country. This military dictator’s record is far better than our civilian leaders in this regard. Not that his opponents will admit it. But that’s Pakistani politics.

Yet, Mr. Musharraf must come to terms with the fact that he faces a credibility problem. Major parts of his reform agenda for Pakistan ring hollow now after his alliance with discredited politicians. As a result, his much trumpeted accountability and anticorruption drive fell apart somewhere along the way.

Mr. Sharif’s latest move also highlights a new trend in Pakistani politics: you will gain popularity if you defy Musharraf even if you don’t offer a credible better alternative. Imran Khan is a case in point.

Mr. Musharraf will have to face these serious questions and address them to the satisfaction of the ordinary Pakistanis. And he should. It’s never too late to do right.